An Interview with Precious Yamaguchi

Southern Oregon University professor Precious Yamaguchi teaches courses in critical studies, international communication and intercultural communication, and digital media. She has a PhD in Communication Studies from Bowling Green State University with research and researches issues of culture, identity, generation, social media, technology, and international textile markets.

Among her awards are the National Communication Association Top Paper Award for in 2008, the Winifred O. Stone Graduate Fund Award for Outstanding Graduate Student in 2009, and the Top Dissertation Fellowship Research Award at Bowling Green State University for the 2009 – 2010 academic year.

We talked about her recently published book, The Journeys and Strength of Japanese American Women: Stories and Life Experiences During and After World War II (Rowman and Littlefield/Lexington Books, 2015), about the lives, narratives, and experiences of Japanese American women who were interred during World War II.

EB: How did you come to write this book?

PY: As I was growing up as a young child, I would hear my grandparents speak about “camp” every once in a while. I was only familiar with the word “camp” as it relates to summer camp or day camp and they would briefly explain to me that the camp they were in when they were teenagers was very different, that they were imprisoned and their whole family was taken away from their homes, they lost everything they had, and had to leave their pets behind. As a child, it was heartbreaking to hear that my grandparents were once prisoners and as I grew older as a young adult, I saw that a lot of the ways my grandparents communicated and lived were influenced by their internment camp experiences, and how the internment camp mentality didn’t become erased the moment they left the internment camps, it has stayed with them throughout the rest of their lives. Everyday life situations such as my grandparents really encouraging my cousins, brother, and I to get an education because they did not have the opportunity to attend college because once they were released from the internment camp, they had to work right away because their families lost everything, and also how my grandparents are very embarrassed to speak Japanese and did not teach my parents the Japanese language because there was so much prejudice and suspicion against Japanese people during that time, they felt the safest thing to do was raise their children to be as American as possible. My grandparents’ generation felt a lot of shame and fear, but they were also very brave and did everything they could to rebuild their lives and I wanted to share their stories and other Japanese Americans’ stories through this book. The most interesting part of the Japanese American internment camp experience is not only the internment camps, it is what Japanese Americans did once they were released from the barbed wire camps. They had no homes to return to, many schools were still very prejudice against Japanese Americans and would not let them in their schools, landlords did not want to rent to Japanese Americans out of racism and fear they were bring property prices down, and a lot of companies, institutions, and stores did not want to hire Japanese Americans even after World War II. It took me around eight years to find and interview Japanese American women who were in their 80s and 90s in various parts of our country such as California, Michigan, Ohio, and Nevada to tell their stories. Some of them had never told their stories to anyone and felt an urgency to share their narratives because they started to see many of their peers pass away and wanted to share their stories before they passed away too. Three of the women I interviewed for my book, unfortunately, passed away before it was published.

EB: Who did you have in mind as your audience?

PY: People who are interested in Asian American history, American history, communication, Ethnic Studies, and anyone who is interested in reading an inspiring story about overcoming challenges and hardships. It does not matter if the reader is Japanese American or not, there will be many themes readers can relate to such a intergenerational communication, overcoming struggles, and I hope it encourages the reader to reflect on their own families’ stories and ask their relatives , grandparents, and parents questions about their families’ histories.

EB: In the book you examine the experiences Japanese-American of women of different generations as well. What did you conclude?

PY: One of the most significant conclusions I found that relates to not only Japanese American women, but the majority of people in their 80s and 90s, is that a lot of elderly people need people to visit, converse, and engage ideas with them. It was so interesting to see how many of the individuals I spoke with were so happy to have me visit them, listen to them, and be interested in their story. I was really surprised when some of Japanese American women told me they had never told their story before and that their children or grandchildren never asked about their stories.

More specifically, I found out Japanese American women, worked from a young age because the majority of them had to find work the moment they were released from the internment camps, so at 15 or 16 years old, they were working as domestic servants, factory workers, and nannies. My grandmother worked at the Nabisco factory when she was released from the internment camps and her mother had cancer at that time so she had to care for her mother, carrying her in and out of the bath tub, taking her to appointments, and financially supporting her, even though she was just a young teenager. No matter what socio-economic status these women were, they all worked very hard at a young age and lived very independent lives because even though they were only 15 or 16 years old, they would have to take a train by themselves to work as a domestic servant or factory worker in a city, town, or state, where they didn’t know anyone or have any resources, because their families lost everything they had. These experiences and memories of losing everything they had and having to grow up very quickly in a country that was prejudice against them, stayed with the women throughout their lives. Even though they may not speak about it often or at all to their love ones, their memories are painful, and there was so much rebuilding they had to do after World War II.

EB: There is also an aspect of memoir here. Was it difficult to combine memoir with ethnography?

PY: It was definitely difficult in this instance to combine memoir and ethnography for this book because I wanted to produce ethnographic research on Japanese American women, but during the time I was interviewing people and writing this book both my father and grandmother, who I was very close to, passed away unexpectedly. So it became even more crucial for me to write down the stories of people, because I was having loved ones pass away and was realizing how when people pass away they take their stories and unanswered questions with them. At the same time it was painful to have to reflect on their lives because I missed them so much. Also, my family has been very active in the Japanese American community in Los Angeles so a lot of the people I interviewed knew about the passing of my father and grandmother and would inquire about it. I felt including an aspect of memoir and autoethnography was important to show the first-hand experience I had with intergenerational communication between Japanese American grandparents who experienced World War II and how their perspectives influenced the way they communicated with their children and grandchildren. Intergenerational communication with grandparents, not just Japanese American grandparents, can be difficult because each generation has lived through different politics, events, and moments in history, which influence their values, beliefs, and the expectations they have for their children and grandchildren.

EB: What was the research process like for studying the Japanese-American internment?

PY: I really felt that the research for this book had to be ethnographic because both myself and the readers should be engaged in the various sources, experiences, observations, and narratives in Japanese American culture. Books such as Only What We Could Carry: The Japanese American Internment Experience by Lawson Fusao Inada and Nisei Daughter by Monica Sone, gave great perspectives on writing about Japanese Americans. I also felt that it was important to start with my family’s experiences, using interviews, observations, and writing as part of them research, and then continue to interview, interact, visit, and observe more Japanese American women who I found through personal connections and with the help of the Japanese American Citizen’s League in Los Angeles, Cleveland, Detroit, and the Japanese American National Museum was also a wonderful resource for me because they have a lot of artifacts and installations devoted to the peoples’ stories. Because I was interviewing elderly women, sometimes I would have to meet or speak to them multiple times because they would get tired or they would forget specific details and have to look up the details in their past letters, journals, or photos. A lot of Japanese American women were so helpful because even after we completed our interview, they would send me photos, artifacts, or letters through they mail, that they were able to retrieve or find after out interview.

EB: How did the internment experience affect these women? Did you find differences in men’s and women’s experiences? And in the way the experience has been historicized by gender?

PY: I focused on Japanese American women because a lot of the ones who grew up during the time of World War II, were brought up to be very modest and were taught it is rude to talk about yourself too much, boast, or have people feel sorry for you. Typically you’re not supposed to talk about positive things about yourself because it can be seen as bragging and you’re not supposed to talk about negative things too much because it may come off as seeking sympathy. There is a bit of a double-standard when it comes to gender communication in the Japanese American culture, especially in regards to the older generations. There are certain Japanese words such as enryo or gaman that emphasize the qualities of modesty, holding back, and enduring, that have no word equivalents in the English language. A lot of Japanese American women had stories of racism, working, traveling, and overcoming so many challenges and hardships, but culturally, they were not brought up to talk about themselves so many of their stories have gone untold. It was great to interview them because most of them have never had a person ask them about their lives, stories, or just give them opportunities to talk about themselves.

EB: What was the most rewarding aspect of writing the book? And what was the biggest challenge?

PY: The most rewarding aspect of writing this book has been giving the completed publications to the women and seeing their faces of disbelief and surprise that their story is part of history, culture, and literature! I enjoyed the interviews I had with all of them and the experience of writing my first book. I share the beliefs with Morris Young and Kent Ono, who are also Asian American scholars, that the act writing becomes part of the research and its great to represent Asian Americans’ experiences through writing.

The most challenging part was the death of my father and grandmother while writing this book. There were some moments I felt like I couldn’t write the book any longer and just wanted to bury the project, especially when I had to listen to the recordings and write of the interviews I had with my grandmother who passed away, but it actually became a very powerful way to reflect, hear, and listen even more closely to my grandmother’s story.

EB: Thanks for talking with us.

PY: Thank you for your interest!

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You’re never bored when you are a linguist


Why do we call computer cookies “cookies”? What’s up with pronunciations like “warsh,” “bolth” and “aig”? How come we have the noun “stick-to-itiveness” but no adjective “stick-to-itive”?

You’re never bored when you are a linguist. And that’s never more true than at the Linguistic Society of America. I just got back from the 2015 annual meeting—the 89th—held in Portland, where made some new friends and I caught up with former students, old friends and colleagues, and even a former professor of mine.

My brain is full and my to-do list is overflowing with new ideas and insights from the talks and workshops. Among other things I attended a slew of terrific papers on the Pacific Northwest Dialect, new approaches to teaching linguistics and talking about language with the general public: Arika Okrent explained the values of her Mental Floss listicles, Neal Whitman recounted his experiences as a guest writer for Grammar Girl, and Michael Erard talked about the hot new magazine SchwaFire. I learned about outreach efforts like the Ohio Language Pod–a research lab at the Columbus Center of Science (hey, Science Works!, we need to do this).

I made some short term plans (I need to talk about the “inner circle free pass” in class soon and revamp my discussion of Pacific Northwest dialects asap) and some long term plans as well (Dennis Preston and I have an idea…). And I need to buy Roger Shuy’s new book on The Language of Murder Cases and Rochelle Lieber and Pavol Štekauer’s The Oxford Handbook of Compounding (which won the Leonard Bloomfield Award from the Linguistic Society).

At the presentations I’m amazed at how funny and incisive my colleagues are, and how they manage to do both at once. And I come away from the book exhibit with some free pends and a long bibliography of new textbooks to check out. I’m planning to advantage of the special offer for the online Dictionary of Regional American English.

And that’s not all. The Linguistic Society meets with the American Dialect Society, which has its annual Word of the Year (WOTY) open vote, hosted this year by Ben Zimmer. The room was too crowded and raucous for me a make my pitch for “normcore” as a valuable new word, but at least it escaped the ignominy of being “least likely to succeed.”

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Literary Ashland Radio for December, an interview with M. J. Daspit

Happy holidays. This month’s Literary Ashland Radio features an interview with M. J. Daspit, author of Lucy Lied. You can listen to the interview here.

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The Unspoken Formulas of Gender in Names, a guest post by Shannon Houston

Shannon Houston is a senior at Southern Oregon University, majoring in English and Communication.

An email labeled from Sarah paints a picture of a female author in the minds of most recipients. If one hears the name Tom in a given conversation without visualization or verbal confirmation, that person will envision a male bearer of the name. But what about the name Taylor, or the nickname Sam? Humans have the desire and the capacity to identify the characteristics of something or someone by the sound of a name, and typically these characteristics include gender. But what is in the name Sarah that makes it distinctly feminine, or why Tom is exclusively masculine? Why would a mother name her son Shawn, but feel it is more appropriate to call her daughter Shawna? Something like the number of syllables in a name may be enough to indicate to a listener the gender of the name-bearer, or how “strong” that initial syllable sounds. There are unspoken rules and formulas imbedded in how parents decide to name their children and how people then react to those names later on based on the phonetic composition of the name and pre-programmed instincts for interpreting the significance of these components.

Though names are so numerous and so commonplace, they play an extremely important role in each individual’s personality. As a child grows up, if they are not happy with their name they will likely adopt either a more appropriate nickname, choose to be referred to by their middle name (if they have one) or potentially change their name altogether. Names are a sort of personal marketability, and can put up a front of meaning just from the first utterance. If someone has an ex-girlfriend named Sarah, it is not far-fetched to suppose that the name Sarah might carry fairly negative connotations for that individual. If a foreign-exchange student has a difficult-to-pronounce name, that individual may elect to find a more universally-friendly nickname for their friends to use. Even celebrities change their names in an approach to truly be more marketable; Freddie Mercury is a lot easier to remember and pronounce than Farrokh Bulsara. Parents put thought into their child’s name, often catering to what is in style or what would sound good with the parents’ surname. Realistically a parent can only control so much, not knowing if their child will like the name they are given or knowing what type of name would suit the career their child may ultimately want. However, if parents know the gender of their child, they can choose a name that reflects that gender or perhaps the traits associated with that gender to help shape what they might like to see in their child. Precious little princess Sophie sounds a lot more delicate than precious little princess Rowen, does it not?

People are not necessarily conscious of the traits that stick out to make a name appear more masculine or feminine; they can just interpret the name instinctually, based off of practices that have been ingrained into society and the human ear. These traits have existed for centuries, as many of the names that are still common today (and their accompanying genders) date back to classical Greek, classical Latin, vernacular or Biblical usage (Hough 3-4). Names are clearly still being created today, but they continue to fit the gender patterns of names that were established long ago. For example, many of the formerly masculine names that have been adopted as feminine such as Taylor, Payton, and Shannon fit the patterns where masculine and feminine names overlap in terms of length and sound, though it appears that once feminized, these names tend to stay feminized rather than remaining in some sort of unisex limbo. The ways in which masculine and feminine-sounding names differ definitely exist, and appear to be fairly important to the way social culture operates.

So why does this difference even exist? Are names not reflective of individuals, more than reflective of gender? Apparently not, as there seems to be a connection between the “strength” of sounds and which sounds appear in the names of each gender. Sexual selection suggests that strength and body size both play an important role in the traits humans desire their offspring; men should be bigger and stronger while women should be smaller and more delicate (Pitcher, Mesoudi and McElligott 1). When looking at sound specifically, “Frequency Code” and “Motivational Structural Rule Theory” both indicate that a listener associates sounds of a lower frequency with a speaker with a larger vocal apparatus, creating the idea that these types of sounds are more masculine (Pitcher, Mesoudi and McElligott 2). The opposite is suggested for feminine sounds, which theoretically are created through higher frequencies from individuals with smaller vocal apparatuses. So on an auditory and psychological level, Thomas sounds like the kind of guy who could tear down a brick wall while Demetria sounds like she should be inside reading a book, waiting for the kettle to boil. These stereotypes are completely based off of ridiculous assumption, but they nonetheless exist in the world of strict gender binaries.

The stressed syllables of a name are what carry the brunt of a name’s “strength,” and strictly feminine names tend to have a small-sounding phoneme in this stressed syllable, such as in the name Emily (Pitcher, Mesoudi and McElligott 2). The top six female names for 2013 all ended with the fairly common “a” ending for girls (producing the [ə] sound) with names such as Sophia, Emma and Olivia (“Top Ten Baby Names for 2013). Female names are also more likely to end with from the y/ie spelling that yields the [i] sound. Actually, as a whole, female names tend to contain this [i] sound (Cutler, McQueen and Robinson 480). The [i] sound is also found in mostly feminized nicknames, which is discussed more below. Feminine names also tend to be longer than male names, containing fewer monosyllabic names and instead having names that can contain as many as five syllables, such as Alexandria (Cutler, McQueen and Robinson 475). This perhaps suggests a desire for female names to be more intricate and beautiful in a way that male names may not require.

By comparison, male names do not appear to have such strict trends in sounds, like the “a” in the girls’ names. The main consistencies in male-sounding names are the strong vowel sounds and the shorter length, often being monosyllabic. However, many male names have common, long-lasting sources, not being manipulated and fashioned into new names as frequently as female names. Many of the most popular male names from 2013 have Biblical ties, such as Noah, Jacob and Daniel (“Top Ten Baby Names for 2013”). Biblical names as a trend are almost forced to be gendered, however, based on the overwhelming number of male characters in the Bible compared to female characters. In contrast to female names, male names have a large-sounding vowel phoneme in the stressed syllable of the name (Pitcher, Mesoudi and McElligott 2). Male names are frequently compared structurally to common nouns, lacking the elaboration of a feminine name (Hough 1). It is also more common for a male to bear a surname as his personal name than for a female to do the same (Hough 7).

Names obviously change over time in terms of popularity, or even in terms of usage. Fairly frequently, female names are created by adding suffixes to traditionally male names, such as Georgina or Maxine (Cutler, McQueen and Robinson 476). This contributes to the trend where female names are longer than male names, such as how Georgina adds two extra syllables to George. This is not true in the reverse, however; strictly female names simply cannot be altered to form male names (Cutler, McQueen and Robinson 480). In a few instances, names can become completely unisex, used almost equally in either gender, but this appears to be rare and often a temporary state. Though mindsets appear to be shifting to accommodate more individuals who do not fit into the gender binary, this binary is still very real and has a heavy influence on culture, particularly on American culture. There are names that hover in the middle-ground sections of male/female names, but it still ultimately comes down to the perception of the individual hearing the name, and the current culture still presents strict binaries for everything to be classified into.

Though the study conducted by Benjamin Pitcher, Alex Mesoudi and Alan McElligott suggest that strong-sounding names are considered more masculine because of their ties to size of an individual, it does not seem far-fetched that the strength itself is what makes those names appealing. If this is to be the case, the process of taking male names and adopting them as unisex may be reflective of females claiming a portion of this strength that they previously did not have access to. However, Stanley Lieberson, Susan Dumais and Shyon Baumann’s research suggests a different theory in gender adoption; as parents seek to break gender barriers with androgynous names, these names will eventually be forced into gendered categories as they become more popular. A parent is likely to have encountered a name before bestowing it on their child, regardless of if it was gendered or androgynous. Even if parents consistently give their children androgynous names, these names will inevitably end up used more commonly for one gender or another, and that gender will ultimately claim that name (Lieberson, Dumais and Baumann 1255). Taylor is one of the more well-known and current unisex names, but the fame of singer Taylor Swift will likely claim Taylor as a generally female name in the future.

Many unisex names actually come from diminutive forms, from nicknames. Most names have the potential to be broken down into a single syllable, which breaks gender boundaries in many instances (Cutler, McQueen and Robinson 478). Both Samuel and Samantha can be broken down into Sam, which crosses the gender neutrality mentioned earlier. Particularly long names might yield two-syllable nicknames, but these are most frequently regarded as feminine, again contributing to the length argument. Both a Christopher and a Christina could go by Chris, but a person going by Chrissie sounds distinctly more feminine (Culter, McQueen and Robinson 478). This is not a perfect formula, however, because both a Nicolas and a Nichole might go by Nicky or Nicki (sounding the same and only differentiated by spelling) but this nickname does not sound specifically either masculine or feminine. Spelling itself is an entire area used to separate names into gender binaries. What is it about Danny that looks more masculine than Dani? It cannot be the length theory, in this case, since Danny is longer, but the name Dani simply looks more delicate, more slender, and ultimately, more feminine.

The human brain loves to categorize things, and tends to operate in the form of binaries with little room in the middle of each spectrum. If this is not good, it must be bad. If this is not happy, it must be sad. In the case of names, if a name does not represent a male, it must represent a female. If a name is solid and strong, it belongs to a man; if it is delicate and weaker, it must belong to a woman. Though these thoughts and binaries do not reflect the actual individualities of a name-bearer at all, they are components of a larger system that allows the human being to continue categorizing what it hears into two distinct boxes. The androgynous names that surface to overtake these binaries do not often stick around for very long before they, too, fall victim to these practices and standards.

WORKS CITED

    Cutler, Anne, James McQueen and Ken Robinson. “Elizabeth and John: Sound Patterns of Men’s and Women’s Names.” J. Linguistics 26 (1990): 471-82. Academic Search Complete. Web. 20 November 2014.

    Hough, Carole. “Towards and Explanation of Phonetic Differentiation in Masculine and Feminine Personal Names.” J. Linguistics 36.1 (2000): 1-11. JStor. Web. 20 November 2014.

    Lieberson, Stanley, Susan Dumais, Shyon Baumann. “The Instability of Androgynous Names: The Symbolic Maintenance of Gender Boundaries.” American Journal of Sociology 105.5 (2000): 1249-87. JStor. Web. 20 November 2014.

    Pitcher, Benjamin J., Alex Mesoudi, Alan G. McElligott. “Sex-Based Sound Symbolism in English-Language First Names.” PLoS ONE Jun. 2013: 1-6. Academic Search Complete. Web. 27 November 2014.

    “Top 10 Baby Names for 2013.” Social Security. USA Social Security Administration, n.d. Web. 27 November 2014.

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