An Interview with Midge Raymond, author of MY LAST CONTINENT

Midge Raymond’s debut novel My Last Continent is just out from Scriber. Karen Joy Fowler, author of We Are All Completely Beside Ourselves, says this: “There is a romance about faraway, desperate places, about isolation, about ice and snow. Add penguins and you have Midge Raymond’s elegant My Last Continent, a love story about the Antarctic and the creatures, humans included, who are at home there. Half adventure, half elegy, and wholly recommended.” Library Journal says it is “Atmospheric and adventurous…the story and vivid writing will keep readers glued to the pages.” And there are rave reviews also from Publishers Weekly and Kirkus Reviews.

Midge Raymond’s writing has appeared in TriQuarterly, American Literary Review, Bellevue Literary Review, the Los Angeles Times magazine, and Poets & Writers and she is the author of several books, including a book of short stories, Forgetting English, that won the Spokane Prize for Short Fiction. She has been an instructor at the Richard Hugo House, San Diego Writers Ink, and Grub Street Writers and has been an Adjunct Professor at Boston University. Midge Raymond is also the co-founder of Ashland Creek Press.

EB: This is a story about life and personal choices, but also a story about the environment and the consequences of eco-tourism. Which idea came first to you, the story of Deb and Keller or the story of the Antarctic? Or is it even possible to separate the two strands of the book?

MR: I wanted to tell a story about the Antarctic, and the character of Deb came to me quickly and clearly as the best way to tell this story. As a character, she is very much a part of Antarctica herself; she is so passionate about the continent and its future, especially the fate of the penguins. So I would agree that it’s not entirely possible to separate these strands of the book — they are all so closely connected.

EB: I thought the story of Deb and Keller was complicated, yet believable despite the unfamiliar settling. As you wrote them, were you thinking about how to make the characters relatable to the reader?

MR: Not at first. In the beginning, I wrote to get to know them, and it wasn’t until much later that I took a step back to imagine how they’d be perceived to readers. And then I worked on them some more. Their relationship is indeed complicated, and, I imagine, not easily understandable for most people. So I had to make sure that I could portray how they came together and how they make such a good fit for each other, despite all the complications.

EB: You tell the story of the shipwreck and the relationship between Deb and Keller non-sequentially. Why did you choose that particular type of narrative?

MR: I wanted to begin the story with the shipwreck — in part because I hoped to create a sense of tension and engagement in the story, which I really enjoy as a reader. I also wanted to create a sense of inevitability surrounding the shipwreck — this part of the story was inspired by the concerns among naturalists about large cruise ships in Antarctica as tourism increases. As I began to reveal Deb’s backstory within this narrative, I decided to separate out these sections so that they wouldn’t bog down the narrative but allow readers to take a step back every once in a while and learn more, then jump back into the drama of the shipwreck as it unfolds.

EB: Can you tell our readers a little more about the title My Last Continent?

MR: There’s a scene in which Deb tells a passenger, “[T]here are two kinds of people who come to Antarctica. Those who have run out of places to go, and those who have run out of places to hide.” While I don’t necessarily share Deb’s view, one of the things I did in the novel was put these two categories of people together, which provided plenty of drama for a novel about our planet’s last frontier.

Antarctica provides this contrast among the individuals and groups who share the ships headed down to the bottom of the world. For many tourists, Antarctica is their seventh continent, the last place left to see. For shipboard naturalists, including researchers, Antarctica offers a chance not only to do their work but to educate tourists, to make the passengers’ last continent more than just something to check off their lists. For Deb and Keller, the continent is their last in the sense that it’s the only place they can truly be themselves, both alone and with each other. So I wanted a title that encompassed many of the themes of the novel, and also one that I hope will be intriguing to readers.

EB: How did you first get interested in the Antarctic and its wildlife?

MR: I had the opportunity to visit Antarctica in 2004, on a small expedition boat much like the Cormorant in the novel, and I became fascinated by the wildlife, particularly the penguins and the people who dedicate their lives to studying them. I learned a great deal about the Adélie, chinstrap, gentoo, and emperor penguins while I was in Antarctica, and two years after that trip, I had the opportunity to volunteer for a penguin census with Dee Boersma of the University of Washington, at the Punta Tombo colony in Argentina, which Dee has been studying for thirty years. This experience gave me insights into a new species — the Magellanic penguin — as well as into the lives of scientists, which was very helpful in imagining and writing the novel. And most of all, I became even more passionate about these birds and their fate in a world that is changing around them so rapidly.

EB: What was the research like for this book? Did you have to consult a lot of experts on the environment, maritime disasters and wildlife?

MR: Much of the novel was based on my own experience in Antarctica and from volunteering at the Punta Tombo colony. But of course, I also had to do a lot of additional research, including reading books and watching documentaries. I was working on the novel when the Costa Concordia ran aground in 2012, and all the news surrounding this accident provided a lot of information about maritime disasters.

EB: Coincidentally, or not, it’s the 100th anniversary of Ernest Shackleton’s Trans-Antarctica expedition. Was that an influence at all?

MR: Absolutely. I’m fascinated by Shackleton’s story, and it inspired me a great deal because it’s not only a tale of the wild and unpredictable Southern Ocean, but also of the resourcefulness and good luck it takes to get out of such situations. He’s an inspiring figure, but I’m also intrigued by the ones who weren’t so lucky — Robert Falcon Scott and his party, for example — because one thing that becomes obvious when you read about explorers is how quickly things can turn around in Antarctica. We are all at the mercy of nature when we’re there, whether today or 100 years ago.

EB: I couldn’t help but read the story of the tourists Kate and Richard as a parallel to Deb and Keller’s story. Any thoughts on this?

MR: I did, in fact, want Richard and Kate to be a parallel for Deb and Keller in the story; as a married couple, they are more domestic and their lives are more settled than the lives of Deb and Keller, who travel to the bottom of the world and only see each other a few times a year. However, as she gets to know Kate, Deb finds similarities in the two relationships and begins to appreciate both the simplicities and complexities of love, no matter what the circumstances. And of course, for Deb and Keller, the continent itself is a big part of who they are as a couple, so in a way, Antarctica is like a third party in their relationship, creating something of a love triangle.

EB: Can you tell us some of your literary influences? Who do you read?

MR: Over the years, I’ve become much more interested in environmental issues, so I have a few favorites when it comes to the environment and animal protection: Karen Joy Fowler’s novel We Are All Completely Beside Ourselves, Ann Pancake’s Strange As This Weather Has Been, and Barbara Kingsolver’s Flight Behavior, among others. I also read just about everything by Lionel Shriver and Ann Patchett, whose work I really admire.

EB: Thanks for talking with us. I really enjoyed My Last Continent.

MR: Thank you so much, Ed!

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An Interview with Morgan Hunt, author of WE THE PEEPS

Ashland writer Morgan Hunt has written mystery novels, poetry, screenplays, short stories, and magazine articles, including Writer’s Digest. Her Tess Camillo mystery series won a Best Books Award (USA Book News) and a National Indie Excellence Award. Her poems have been published in the California Quarterly, San Diego Mensan, and she’s considered one of the Oregon Poetic Voices. Hunt’s short story, “The Answer Box,” placed as a Finalist in the 2014 Saturday Evening Post Great American Fiction contest.

Morgan Hunt grew up on the Jersey shore. She is a Navy veteran and a licensed ultralight pilot. She has lived with an aggressive form of breast cancer for more than 15 years.

We sat down to talk about her recently published novel We the Peeps, her first political novel.

EB: You’ve written in a variety of genres, mystery, poetry, short story and more. What prompted you to try your hand at “a political caper and wish fulfillment”?

MH: Well, I’ve been a political junkie for the past 20 years. In 2011 I was weighing whether to write a fourth book in my mystery series or to stretch myself as an author and attempt something more challenging. That summer the House of Representatives let their Stooges off-leash, and the “most powerful nation on earth” wound up with the nonsensical sequestration budget. I wanted to understand the causes of this political chaos. I read 17 text books on political science, civics, the history of the American Revolution, the Beltway insider game, etc. Rightly or wrongly, I convinced myself that by writing a political novel with appealing humor, I’d encourage Americans to think about their government, and thus I’d be part of the solution instead of the problem.

EB: I have to admit, I didn’t see the ending coming. Did you have it in mind all along?

MH: Glad I surprised you, Ed. I’m sure that’s not easy to do! The main concept behind the ending was in my outline all along, although certain details eluded me until I wrote the final chapters.

EB: You had several ordinary – or not so ordinary –folks as protagonists. How did you choose your ensemble?

MH: I wanted to balance the political leanings and geographic backgrounds of the revolutionaries. I also wanted an ethnically diverse cadre to reflect current American culture. A friend suggested I make each character a different Enneagram personality type. When I began the novel, I did so, but that was a launching point, a guideline. By mid-book the characters knew who they were and expressed themselves freely.

EB: You managed to make the story funny without devolving to slapstick and to have a message without being preachy. As a writer, how does one find that sweet spot?

MH: I’m both humbled and happy to hear that the balance I tried to achieve worked. As for finding that sweet spot– a dowsing stick or Geiger counter might help.

EB: Tell us about the title. I notice that the cover has a little yellow peep on it. What’s the symbolism?

MH: The title is simply a pun that stretches (much like marshmallow) between a popular American candy and the familiar phrase “We the People.” After I finished the first two chapters, I took a short break. Using PhotoShop I modified the Presidential seal by substituting a yellow Peep for the American eagle. The resulting image conveyed whimsy, humor, and politics, so it felt right. I asked the graphic artist to incorporate it into the cover design.

EB: What was the hardest part about writing We the Peeps?

MH: Trying to nail down my plot before the news cycle stole it! Several times I’d put something in the plot outline that then happened in real life. It’s nerve-wracking to turn on TV and realize you have to rewrite several chapters because what was previously confined to your imagination has just been reported on cable news!

EB: Have you sent the book to any local or national politicians?

MH: I’ve sent it to several political organizations such as No Labels and Represent.us. I figured actual politicians would be too busy to read anything other than position papers and polls for a while.

EB: What are some of your favorite political novels?

MH: I’m a huge fan of Christopher Buckley. I particularly enjoyed They Eat Puppies, Don’t They?, Supreme Courtship, and Boomsday. I also liked a novel called The Woody by Peter Lefcourt. If we open the question to favorite political fiction (v. novels), I’d include the films Dave, American President, and Wag the Dog.

EB: Thanks for talking with us. Don’t forget to vote.

MH: Thank you for this opportunity. And as Peeps revolutionary Glenda would say, “Vote? Hell, yes! That’s what empowered democracy is all about.”

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An Interview with Nils Nilsson

Nils J. Nilsson is the Kumagai Professor of Engineering (Emeritus) in the Department of Computer Science at Stanford University.

Nilsson received his PhD degree in Electrical Engineering from Stanford in 1958, spent twenty-three years at the Artificial Intelligence Center of SRI International and returned to Stanford in 1985 where he taught until 1995. He is the author of several books and numerous articles and essays on artificial intelligence and he was one of the leaders of the research team behind Shakey, a robot that reasoned from sensor data about its environment to react to dynamic worlds, plan courses of action, and learn from experience.

Professor Nilsson is a past-president and Fellow of the American Association for Artificial Intelligence, a Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Engineering Sciences. He is also a recipient of the IEEE “Neural-Network Pioneer” award, the IJCAI “Research Excellence” award, and the AAAI “Distinguished Service” award. Nils Nilsson and his wife, Grace Abbott, live at the Rogue Valley Manor in Medford, Oregon.

We talked about his 2014 book Understanding Beliefs, part of the MIT Press Essential Knowledge series.

EB: What prompted you to write Understanding Beliefs?

NN: This short book has a long history. I originally set out to write about how we know things. I first wrote an unpublished draft entitled How Are We To Know?. It was in the form of a dialog—actually a “quadralog” among a philosophy professor, a student, a robot designer, and a robot. I still have an online copy of it. But I learned a lot by writing this draft. Mainly I decided I wanted a full treatment of reality (is there such?) and truth (I don’t think there is such). I was informed in all of this by thinking of how robots acquire knowledge and beliefs. We humans, I maintain, are like robots (very complex ones to be sure), and therefore our attitudes toward beliefs (our “meta-beliefs”) should be similar to those of robots. Robots have no privileged access to reality; they only have their perceptual mechanisms and what their designers program into them. I think we are in the same boat.

EB: What are the biggest mistakes that people make in thinking about their beliefs?

NN: People are resistant to changing their beliefs in the face of contradictory evidence. They think many of their beliefs are “true” and place too much confidence in them.

EB: You mention that beliefs are like a fortress. Why is it so hard for us to change our beliefs?

NN: There are several reasons. To change one belief means that you might have to change others in order to keep them all consistent. Some of these others are deep beliefs that help define us. Another reason is that we think some beliefs are true. One doesn’t fiddle with “truth.” Another reason is that some beliefs are comforting—we’d like them to be “true.” For example, some people believe in life-after-death–it’s comforting.

EB:
What accounts for conspiracy theories?

NN: People who believe in conspiracies might be having a case of borderline paranoia. Or, beliefs about conspiracies might support other beliefs. For example, believing that JFK was killed by orders of the CIA supports a belief that the CIA runs things in this country. Some people believe in many linked conspiracies.

EB: Is it possible to perceive or access reality? Or is our experience with the world always through some model?

NN: I don’t think we can access reality directly. We access it only through our perceptual apparatus (augmented by scientific instruments, etc.), and our models usually influence what comes through. In fact, without these models, we couldn’t make sense of our perceptions. And what would it mean to access reality directly anyway? Reality doesn’t come equipped with tags describing what’s in it. Our models supply the tags, which we have invented to make sense of reality.

EB: What does your work suggest about the way we ought to be teaching science?

NN: I think my chapter on the scientific method would be a good start. But, I would want to expand it, revise it, and strengthen it if I were to try to write textbook on how to teach science.

EB: Any final thoughts?

NN: I think a lot of philosophy is hung up with notions of truth and notions about what reality is. My view of these matters simplifies things a lot, I think. Some philosophers agree with me, Daniel Dennett for example.

EB:
Thanks for talking with us.

NN:
You are most welcome!

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Armed Service Editions and the Birth of 20th Century US Paperback Publishing

A guest post by David Vonnegut Chambers

The creation and distribution of the Armed Service Editions (ASE) paperback books to soldiers fighting in World War II represents an important period of publishing history that benefitted not only US publishing houses, but the general war effort and the mental health of soldiers on the front lines. The ASEs distributed throughout the 1940s signify the beginning point of the paperback book industry in North America. By the end of the war, the ASE’s physical role in the second World War (WWII) had solidified the paperback book as a tested and economical format for future US book publishing, but it had also created a new white, male readership, positioning many soldiers for success in university and future careers back home.

David Vonnegut Chambers is a writer and photographer from southern Oregon. 

Historical Overview

While other global militaries involved in WWII understood the importance of reading material and its effect upon soldier morale, many of these foreign powers involved in the war within European theaters (British, Germans, Soviets) failed to provide an affordable, portable alternative to the hardcover book during the war. But the United States military created hip-pocket sized paperbacks to provide ideas, education, and mental reprieve from war.[1] It was hard for the US government, at the outset of the war, to conceive of books as an integral part of wartime strategy.[2] But, by 1943, the United States Army Library Services (ALS) had begun to collaborate with the Council on Books in Wartime (an advisory group to the federal government composed of publishing industry leaders and professionals).

Thus, between 1943 and 1946, using an adapted rotary-press, the collaborative effort published 122 million copies of 1,322 paper-cover titles, specifically designed to fit inside the pockets of a G.I.’s uniform.[3] It was described by the Saturday Evening Post in 1945 as “the greatest book-publishing project in history,”[4] and it was the first instance when a nation put forth such a monumental effort to publish and distribute portable books for its military service. Before this, the Victory Book Campaign (VBC) had collected thousands of old, unwanted books in a monumentally sincere but unwieldy effort to provide US soldiers with reprieve from the mental and physical rigors of war.[5] Current scholarship has treated ASEs in the second World War as an isolated event, and according to Christopher P. Loss, this approach failed because it focused on the financial interests of the publishing industry while failing to account for the ideological role of book distribution to soldiers.[6] The creation of portable reading material for soldiers overseas was a technological and social innovation that not only helped the US to win the war, but helped to bring US soldiers home again after victory.

And, of course, ASEs did contribute to a budding paperback industry. In fact, it was the problem of soldier morale that led the sudden creation of a paperback book industry in the US. Before the problem of soldier morale overseas, neither the ALS nor the Council had truly possessed “the ability to transform copyrighted classic and contemporary bestsellers into portable paperback editions.[7] The distribution of ASEs was just as economically important for the future publishing industry (because it allowed prior experience and a degree of clout) as it was for US foreign policy and the national ideologies which celebrated the political and cultural differences between fascist, aggressive states and the US model of democracy.[8] Never before had a publishing endeavor covered such ground, and never before had books been ideologically positioned as “weapons in the war of ideas.”[9] At home, by the time the Council had begun working with the US military branches, the initiative also provided a limited form of “democracy in action,”[10] because the publishing industry was forced to put its reputation on the line in order to amend a Voting Act that had hampered book distribution with several months of outright censorship (an act sponsored by Senator Taft). All in all, however, the monumental publishing project—started by the VBC and expanded upon by the Council—had a core purpose: US soldiers wanted and needed reading material. The delivery of paperback books provided mental and emotional support for those on the front lines. One American soldier wrote to the Council while stationed in Italy, explaining that “there are many times when the only entertainment, relaxation, and mental stimulation is reading, so you can see how welcome the ‘Armed Services’ books are.”[11]

Distribution and Readership

Paperback books seem today like an obvious idea, an easy solution for the G.I. abroad: the physicality of war necessitated the removal of all “unnecessary”[12] items from soldiers’ packs in an attempt to keep them lighter and less cumbersome. Aside from the practicality of portable books, the real driving force behind paperback book printing and distribution to troops was money-savings and the seemingly democratic virtues of the mass-production of information. In 1939, less than two hundred thousand paperbacks were sold in the US.[13] Pocket Books was the first US publishing house to demonstrate that paperback bookselling could be profitable: this was achieved by printing smaller volumes that required less paper.[14] The Council on Books in Wartime (The Council) eventually collaborated with the US military to create specially-sized, foldable, pocket paperbacks.[15] The two-up style in which the books were printed, in two small sizes, with double columns and light paper (something dictated by material and technological constraints), required that the Council and the ALS collate titles more or less the same size and the same length in order to insure printing uniformity. Distribution, something that had plagued the ALS and the VBC in early years of the war,[16] was made easier by the uniform size and relatively light weight of paperback titles. Covers were specially-designed as well, in order to ensure soldiers that their copies were the same as the editions that their friends and family might read back home. The gaudy design featured images of the original hardcover, and also included a special form of rhetoric on the back, often a summary of the narrative in connection with its patriotic values, and how these coincided with those of the author.[17]

But titles varied widely. There was much more than just fiction. The Council included selections of history, science, philosophy, racier titles (albeit not racy at all),[18] as well as a slice of more “serious” literature, as decreed by the Council.[19] Ninety-nine editions of the ASEs were reprinted because they were so popular.[20] There was censorship by the army only when the leadership encountered something that seemed to “infringe” upon democratic ideals. Zane Grey’s Riders of the Purple Sage, as an example, was not included in either of the Council’s “long” or “short” lists.[21] Soldiers’ ASE paperbacks, following their distribution, were prized possessions: they were often traded, split, or swapped.[22] They were always cherished in moments of peace and quiet. Many authors received hundreds and even thousands of letters in response to their work.[23] In the case of Willa Cather, the ASEs cemented the author’s popularity well after her own death.[24]

While for many returning veterans the ASEs had only provided a distraction from the horrors of war, many soldiers who had read the paperbacks voraciously became a part of a specific, new male readership in a distinct period of American literary and cultural history. The Council, for its myriad motivations, had known how important the availability of knowledge was for not only troop morale but also for the course of the war itself. They could not have known, however, the change to come in the US education system following the close of the war, or how the returning soldiers would play their part in a changing model of education and a swelling of the middle class.[25] But the Council and the ALS overcame shortages of material, federal obstacles, and the task of distribution, knowing that the narratives they were shipping overseas were truly indeed “instrument(s) of power.”[26] And the soldiers were grateful: they all had a story to tell about the ASE publishing project, and most of these stories had a similar tone—“these little books are a great thing … they take you away.”[27] One soldier claimed that the distribution of ASEs in Europe to American serviceman was like “making it rain in the desert.”[28] Amidst the horrors of war, these small books were not only instruments of power, but instruments of salvation, of a sort.

Redistribution, Post-War, and the G.I. Bill

As fighting in Europe came to a close, soldiers were ready to go home. 400,000 troops were left in Europe to oversee the transition of power. Of the 3.4 million men who had fought on the European continent, however, 3.1 million were destined for the South Pacific theater. The islands were infamous, and most soldiers were less than overjoyed about their re-deployment. Morale began to suffer again, and so the army and the navy turned once more to the Council for redistribution in the years following 1945.[29] Distribution had increased that year, from 20 million books to 50 million books, but even that amount was deemed not enough. Soldiers were “starved” for titles, according to one officer in the Special Services Division (charged with, among other things, the triage of soldier morale). This same officer observed that there “never seems to be enough.”[30] One Lieutenant Colonel Trautman had noted that “when a soldier with a monthly pay of $55 is willing to pay 500 francs or 10 American dollars for the privilege of being next in line to read a particular Council Book they are pretty scarce.”[31] Trautman, on a visit to a platoon of combat engineers stationed in the South Pacific, had observed himself how precious remaining, readable ASEs were. This certain platoon had a collection of only ten ASEs, and the commander had ordered that men were to read together, in groups, so as to “reduce the wear and tear of multiple handlings.”[32] Facing down a lack of funding and an overwhelming demand, reprinting was ordered (sometimes numbering around 155,000 copies per print run), and the ASE paperbacks were created for the first time without stapled covers.[33]

As the American forces closed in around Japan, soldiers serving both in the South Pacific and Europe began to ponder their futures. As Molly Guptil Manning put quite plainly, “some men wondered whether it [home] would measure up to the ideals they had projected onto it.”[34] The idea of home, known for so long only by depictions that had provided sustenance overseas via countless narratives, was becoming unsure. While some soldiers simply wished to return to the same life they had left behind, some soldiers were especially concerned about future employment opportunities. During training, many enlisted men had enrolled in courses using “mathematics, science, and technical books,”[35] and they did not wish for this knowledge to go unused. While novels in the immediate post-war years did not provide fresh reading material for those still stationed overseas, troops in transition enjoyed a selection of new, practical titles intended to address the return to life in North America. Some examples include Darrel and Frances Huff’s Twenty Careers of Tomorrow, and Campbell and Bedford’s You and Your Future Job, printed at the behest of the Army.[36] Returning veterans were interested in a range of potential futures, including legal professions, entrepreneurial pursuits, and jobs that enabled economic growth: Huff’s Twenty Careers of Tomorrow addressed everything from working in plastics, fabrics, and recycling, to careers in publishing, television and radio, and the automobile industry.[37] Veterans were also, for the most part, critically aware of advances in medical technology, and many of them were inspired by select ASEs to pursue a career in medicine.[38] As the war drew to a close, the demand for ASEs dropped to around 15 percent of wartime ASE production.[39] By 1947, ASE production of fresh titles had ceased. Veterans and soldiers still serving active duty began to hoard and collect their favorite titles.[40]

President Roosevelt began planning to address the accessibility of higher education in 1944. College enrollment was something reserved for the upper middle class or the elite in US society at the time. The American Legion, a veteran’s organization, was responsible for drafting the “Serviceman’s Readjustment Act,” which became the “G.I. Bill of Rights” by June 22, 1944, when it was passed unanimously in the House and the Senate.[41] The bill provided counseling services, unemployment and disability benefits, as well as home and business loans, and two years of college or job training.[42] White men were the group that benefitted the most from the G.I. Bill, whereas women generally benefitted the least from the legislation.[43] The nonwhite, minority experience with the G.I. Bill was obviously different than that of white men, because of the segregated, racist nature of US society at the time. Nonwhite veterans often encountered the same “barriers to advancement”[44] that they had encountered before, even after enjoying the positive financial and educational benefits of the G.I. Bill back home. This topic requires its own paper, but scholars have so far concurred that black veterans who obtained college education through the GI Bill were more likely to become involved with the “struggles through which civil rights were won” in the US during the later 20th century.[45]

Veterans were successful in college, but their attendance was slow to begin.[46] Their eventual success stories would bolster the middle class and actually change the face of university and college education in the US. This breaking down of preconceptions about the eliteness of college attendance was one of the effects of the G.I. Bill, and it was of course due to the fact that many veterans were eager and well-read. Many veterans of this new, male readership were even excited enough about reading and writing in immediate post-war years that they began seeking the opinions of the Council with regard to their various book proposals, which were often centered on personal experience in wartime overseas.[47] This new, white male readership began challenging “prewar assumptions of who could benefit from a college education.”[48] Advertising in the immediate post-war years even reflects this shift in perception about college enrollment, but by the 1950s, advertising had shifted again to focus on family structure and consumer culture. But the role that veterans played in shaping higher education in the US cannot be understated. Images of the G.I. succeeding in a college environment provided the “average” American citizen with a new model (a more accessible model) of “social, economic, and cultural mobility”[49] that would ultimately foster greater civic engagement. Universities in the US began to transition more and more towards practical and vocational curriculum, and this was due, at least in part, to the demands of veterans studying and working within higher education.[50] The paperback book would continue to play an important role for publishing houses and a wide range of institutions within the US, and these small books are even more prolific in their availability today. Randall Stewart, in 1959 (then Chairman at Vanderbilt), probably captured their novelty the best: “You want to gather them up by the armfuls, put them on your shelves, and start reading (or re-reading).”[51]

In conclusion, it is important to grasp the importance of ASEs within multiple contexts. ASE creation and distribution represented timely technological and economic innovation by the publishing industry, and it also set a unique precedent of literary cooperation between the private sector, the public, and the US military. Not only did paperbacks take veterans “away” from the horrors of war—the portable books also helped to bring them home again. This appreciation for the written word, for the book, provided a solid base from which many white, male veterans could access vocational and educational resources. In a way, the paperback book has had no small role in helping along the development of a productive, civically engaged middle class, of which veterans comprised a healthy percentage.

Bibliography

    • Abbot, H. Porter.

The Cambridge Introduction to Narrative.

    • New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Print.

Chinery, Mary. “Wartime Fictions: Willa Cather, the Armed Service Editions, and the Unspeakable Second World War.” Cather Studies 6 (2006): 285-96. Web.

Clark, Daniel A. “ ‘The Two Joes Meet. Joe College, Joe Veteran’: The G. I. Bill, College Education, and Postwar American Culture.” History of Education Quarterly 38.2 (1998): 165-189. Web.

Hayes, Kevin J. “How G.I. Joe Read Stephen Crane.” Stephen Crane Studies 9.1 (2000): 9-14. Web.

Mettler, Suzanne. Soldiers to Citizens: The G.I. Bill and the Making of the Greatest Generation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Print.

Lehman, Edward W. “Soldiers to Citizens: The G.I. Bill and the Making of the Greatest Generation, by Suzanne Mettler.” Book Review. American Journal of Sociology 113.2 (2007): 581-584. Web.

Loss, Christopher P. “Reading between Enemy Lines: Armed Services Editions and World War II.” The Journal of Military History 67.3 (2003): 811-834. Web.

Manning, Molly Guptil. When Books Went to War. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2014. Print.

Stewart, Randall. “Paperbacks.” College English, 20.7 (1959): 365-367. Web.

Notes

  1. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading between Enemy Lines: Armed Service Editions and World War II.” The Journal of Military History 67.3 (2003): 812.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Mary Chinery, “Wartime Fictions: Willa Cather, the Armed Services Editions, and the Unspeakable Second World War,” Cather Studies, 6 (2006): 288.
  6. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 813.
  7. Ibid., 825.
  8. Ibid., 828.
  9. Molly Guptil Manning, When Books Went to War, (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2014): graphical front-matter.
  10. Christoper P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 832.
  11. Ibid., 118.
  12. Molly Guptil Manning, When Books Went to War, 61.
  13. Ibid., 62.
  14. Ibid., 63.
  15. Ibid., 76.
  16. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 824.
  17. Kevin J. Hayes, “How G.I. Joe Read Stephen Crane,” 10.
  18. Mary Chinery, “Wartime Fictions,” 291.
  19. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 829.
  20. Mary Chinery, “Wartime Fictions,” 292.
  21. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 830.
  22. Mary Chinery, “Wartime Fictions,” 292.
  23. Ibid., 293.
  24. Ibid., 294.
  25. It is unfortunate that I am able in this paper only to generalize about white, mainstream North American culture and experience. I have chosen not to delve into the specifics of the nonwhite minority experience in this period, though any complete examination of male readership after WWII would require this.
  26. H. Porter Abbott, The Cambridge Introduction to Narrative, 2nd ed., (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008): 40.
  27. Christopher P. Loss, “Reading Between Enemy Lines,” 833.
  28. Molly Guptil Manning, “When Books Went to War,” 118.
  29. Ibid., 162.
  30. Ibid., 164.
  31. Ibid., 162.
  32. Ibid., 163.
  33. Ibid., 168.
  34. Ibid., 170.
  35. Ibid., 171.
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Ibid., 172.
  39. Ibid., 178.
  40. Ibid., 179.
  41. Ibid., 184.
  42. Ibid.
  43. Edward W. Lehman, Book Review, 583.
  44. Suzanne Mettler, Soldiers to Citizens, 105.
  45. Ibid., 143.
  46. Molly Guptil Manning, When Books Went to War, 185.
  47. Ibid., 173.
  48. Daniel A. Clark, “The Two Joes Meet,” 175.
  49. Daniel A. Clark, “The Two Joes Meet,” 178.
  50. Ibid., 177.
  51. Randall Stewart, “Paperbacks,” 365.
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